Monday, October 31, 2011

Serving Empire: Grand Strategy at the Long War University

The Long War University, Part I. (Updated, November 30, 2011)

By Allen Ruff & Steve Horn*

Currently serving the national security warfare state, a matrix of closely tied university-based strategic studies ventures, the so-called Grand Strategy Programs, have cropped up on a number of elite campuses around the country.   In tandem with allied institutes and think tanks, these programs centered at Yale University, Duke University, the University of Texas at Austin, Columbia University, Temple University and, until recently, the University of Wisconsin-Madison,
illustrate the increasingly influential role of a new breed of warrior academics in the post-September 11 United States.

Ostensibly created to train an up-and-coming elite to see a global “big picture,” this grand strategy network has brought together numbers of “liberal hawk” and conservative foreign policy wonks heavily invested, literally and figuratively, in an unending quest to maintain US global supremacy, a campaign which they increasingly refer to as the Long War.[1] The network marks the ascent and influence of the Long War University. 

The various GSPs are headed by an array of hawkish foreign policy mavens, among them well-funded younger faculty with thinking molded by the Post-September 11 “war on terror” environment. The programs have also been peopled by an assortment of government ex-officials, former and ongoing advisers at the White House, National Security Council, and the CIA. They connect through a host of campus-based think tank institutes and consortia, personal and professional connections, school ties, and funding from a circle of conservative foundations and individual “philanthropists”.

Also participating are cashiered military officers, now residing as "warrior intellectuals" in the academy. The network is closely tethered to the Pentagon’s War Colleges, most notably the US Naval War College at Newport, Rhode Island and such warfare planning centers such as the US Army Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC) centered at Fort Monroe, Virginia.[2]

The Long War Men at Yale

Grand Strategist John Gaddis
The Grand Strategy network had origins at Yale University, alma mater for a long line of US strategic planners and intelligence operatives.[3] The founders of the New Haven effort were the influential conservative “dean of Cold War historians,” John Lewis Gaddis,[4]  the global historian and liberal hawk, Paul Kennedy;[5] and the arch-conservative “diplomat-in-residence,” Charles “Charlie” Hill, the former State Department careerist forced into retirement for concealing the role of his boss, then Secretary of State George Schultz in the 1980s Reagan-era “Iran Contra Scandal”.[6]

Diplomat-in-Exile Charlie Hill
The plans for the Yale GSP evolved out of a series of discussions with Kennedy, Hill, Gaddis and others including the New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman in early 1999.[7] Central to their thinking, according to Gaddis, was their shared concern “to deliberately… train the next generation of world leaders” capable of forwarding post-Cold War US interests. 

According to Gaddis, the original ideas shaping the program’s curriculum were drawn from the efforts of an earlier generation of strategic planners and stemmed from his experience as a mid-1970s faculty member at the Naval War College.[8]
Paul Kennedy thinking globally
The program  became the “flagship” of International Securities Studies (ISS), “a center for teaching and research in grand strategy” founded in 1988. Kennedy was the ISS’s first director. It was initially funded, in the main, by the John M.Olin and Smith-Richardson Foundations, two major backers of various conservative and right wing public and foreign policy causes.
A tight-lipped John Negroponte
Increasingly well-endowed, the program continued to acquire new associates, among them an additional “diplomat-at-large,” John Negroponte, the former National Security Advisor, US Ambassador to the United Nations, and controversial US ambassador to Honduras during the 1980s “Contra War” against Nicaragua.[9]

John Gaddis celebrated Negroponte’s return to his alma mater.  “Look at the number of jobs he’s held, it’s quite remarkable,” the diplomatic historian told the Yale Daily News.  “One of the things we’ve been trying to do in the Grand Strategy program is to bring more practitioners to campus, and we’re very fortunate to have landed him.”[10]

The New Haven program was renamed the “Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy” in 2007 in recognition of a $17.5 million, 15-year endowment from two conservative alumni.[11]  The first, Nicholas Brady, had been US Secretary of the Treasury under Reagan and Bush the Elder.

He also was director of the Pentagon-contracted MITRE Corporation, the manager of the DOD’s research and development centers and such programs as the JASONs, the consortium of campus-based researchers, founded in 1960 and still involved in classified and unclassified work for the DOD, the intelligence community and space programs.[12] (The University of Wisconsin JASONs, named after, but not verifiably connected to the national organization, was instrumental in the creation of Grand Strategy Program at Madison.)

Charles Johnson (l.) & Nick Brady (r) gave Yale's GSP $17.5 million and Yale Pres. Richard Levin (c.) gave them trophies, 2006.

The other patron, Brady’s billionaire business associate, Charles B. Johnson, is a part owner of the San Francisco Giants, and an “overseer” of the conservative Hoover Institute, among other things. (Brady and Johnson sit on the board of the global investment firm of Darby Private Equity along with Milwaukee venture capitalist Sheldon Lubar, former member of the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents, a member of the Board of Directors of the University of Wisconsin Foundation, and supporter of what had been Wisconsin’s Grand Strategy Program.)[13]

While the identities of those associated with the Yale program certainly speak volumes, the actual program they devised is far more revealing, especially since it provided the prototype for efforts elsewhere. 

The year-long program came to include the study of  “classics” in strategic thinking from Sun Tzu and Thucydides to Clausewitz and Kissinger, first developed at the Naval War College as the "Thucydides curriculum"[14] and a focus on “real world practice.” Aspiring entrants in the program are required to write essays of application and the cross-discipline pool of graduate students and undergraduates is carefully vetted. 

In addition to their formal studies, the "GSers," as they self-describe, are required to complete summer projects that have included internships at the European Union’s Institute for Security Studies and the National Security Agency as well as travel abroad. Students completing the program have gone on to jobs with the Secretary of State, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Department of Homeland Security, and the Defense Department’s subcontracted Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA).[15] 

The year-long GSP course, from its inception, has concluded with a “crisis simulation” session in which teams of students prepare power-pointed “emergency rapid response” scenarios as if preparing for a “real time” meeting of the National Security Council and the President. Role playing the President and other administration officials, program faculty then grill the presenters and critique their work.[16]  

Petraeus with Gaddis (l.) visits Yale's GSP,  March, 2010
The simulations and seminars have included numbers of exclusive “outside guests.”  CIA chief David Petraeus, at the time general in command of the US Central Command overseeing US military operations in the Middle East, paid an unpublicized visit to the Yale GSP’s students and faculty in March, 2010. 

Other visitors included the GSP network’s ubiquitous supporter, Henry Kissinger, and the neoconservative John Bolton, the controversial proponent of hard line U.S. security policies and U.S. ambassador to the United Nations under President George W. Bush. [17] Well before his appointment to the Yale program, then Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte spoke to an off-campus gathering of GSers under a veil of high security, with helicopters whirring overhead. [18] 
Kissinger (r.) with Charlie Hill (l.) and Paul Kennedy (c.) at recent Yale GSP seminar
Seminar guests have included a delegation of observers from the CIA, members of the Marine Corps and cadets from West Point.[19] In February 2009, for example, U.S. Marine Corps officers headed by a brigadier general met with GSP faculty and students led by Paul Kennedy. 

In addition to re-establishing ties with the Corps, severed and frayed since Vietnam, the representatives of the “Combat Development Command and the Corp Commandant’s Strategic Initiatives Group” briefed the GS students, faculty and other invited guests on the Corp’s “Vision and Strategy2025,” a planning document describing “how the Marine Corps’ role and posture in national defense will change in the future global environment.”[20] 

Gaddis could tell the Yale Alumni Magazine in 2003 that, “…We now offer workshops in grand strategy at the war colleges and service academies, recreating a connection with the highest levels of the military… And Washington has taken notice.” 

Columbia's Connelly
Significantly, a core of Gaddis and Kennedy students have gone on to become either directors of grand strategy projects and related institutes or closely connected faculty associates elsewhere.[21]  Such students have included historian Mathew Connelly, head of the “Hertog Global Strategy Initiative” at Columbia, William Hitchcock, now at Virginia, who helped create the Grand Strategy Program at Temple University as part of the Center for Force and Diplomacy (CENFAD); and Cold War historians, Mark Lawrence at Texas. 

Jeremi Suri, now at Texas
Jeremi Suri, also currently at Texas, created the now-defunct Grand Strategy Program at the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 2008-2009. In 2010, Yalie Hal Brands, a foreign policy historian with interests in Latin American security and strategic and military issues, became the “American Grand Strategy Assistant Professor of Public Policy” at Duke, upon completion of two years with the Institute of Defense Analysis. 

Jeb Nadaner, Yalie on the move
Paul Kennedy’s student, Jeff “Jeb” Nadaner [22] in some ways personifies the semi-warrior intellectual who has made his ascent in the post-September 11 environment. Completing his grad studies in the history of strategy in 2002, he then went to work as a senior speechwriter for then Secretary of State Colin Powell and a member of the State Department’s policy planning staff. In 2004, he worked on the “war on terrorism strategy” as a special assistant to Donald Rumsfeld’s Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, neoconservative war hawk Douglas Feith, now with the Hudson Institute. 

A strategic planning specialist, Nadaner then went on to become Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense. Switching to the private sector in 2008, he became “Director of Strategy,” at the nation’s top defense contractor, Lockheed Martin, where he now sits as “Director of National Security Innovation”. 

He Who Pays the Piper…

Strategic Philanthropist, Roger Hertog.
The network of grand strategy programs, integral to the Long War University, came about through the financial support of  Roger Hertog, the multi-millionaire financial manager, “man of the right” and key patron of the contemporary conservative movement. Hertog is a chairman emeritus of Manhattan Institute,  the conservative social policy think tank, a board member of the right-wing American Enterprise Institute  and the Club for Growth, the arch-conservative political action committee.

In 2001, in conjunction with other conservatives, including the Canadian media mogul, Conrad Black, [23] he bankrolled the New York Sun, that city’s short-lived rightward counter to the New York Times.[24] He was formerly a part-owner of The New Republic and a board member of the neo-conservative Commentary magazine.

Hertog additionally served on the executive committee of the Washington Committee for Near East Policy (WINEP), the influential conservative pro-Israel think tank, and helped finance and served as president of the Shalem Center, described as “the American Enterprise Institute of Israel”.[25] 

Funneled through Shalem, his funds have subsidized campus-based student journals inaugurated, in part, to counteract criticism of Israel at various universities.[26] Hertog has also been a important contributor, along numbers of other multi-millionaire conservatives, to the Birthright Israel Foundation, which by October, 2010 had sent more than 260,000 young Jewish-Americans on all-expense paid 10-day trips to Israel.

Roger Hertog receives National Humanities Medal, 2007
Respected in various circles as a patron of the arts and culture, libraries and archives, Hertog was awarded a National Humanities Medal by President George W. Bush in November 2007. The ceremonial citation praised him as one, "…[whose] wisdom and generosity have rejuvenated institutions that are keepers of American memory." 

Gov.Walker & He Who Pays the Piper
More recently, Hertog introduced Wisconsin’s Governor, Scott Walker at a Manhattan Institute conference on “A New Social Contract: Reforming the Terms of Public Employment in America.” Embracing the controversial Republican state exec, Hertog praised him as a figure that would someday be looked upon as someone who “helped save the country.”[27]   

In the business of shaping intellectual environments, Hertog has been described as the “the epitome of the conservative benefactor who bases his politics on conservative intellectualism and moves patiently and strategically to create, support and distribute his ideas.” Norm Podhoretz, the former editor of Commentary, said of his longtime friend that, “Roger thinks of philanthropic endeavors as investments. The return he expects is long range.”[28] 

Importantly, Hertog has been staunch advocate of a conservative results-based “new philanthropy” -- the replacement of open-ended funding for endowed university chairs with money for selected projects, made available on a two or three year basis. He makes little distinction between the nonprofit and for-profit ventures that he funds and has spoken of "retail” and “strategic philanthropy,” as “leverage” to transform the American academy.  

As of 2008, among other ventures, Hertog had funded  the Alexander Hamilton Center for Political Economy at New York University to the tune of over $2 million and given $5.2 million to the NYU law school, funneled $4.5 million to Princeton, and $1.5 million to Yeshiva University, all through the Tikvah Fund, the massively-endowed foundation he heads. [29] 

Grand Strategy Goes National 
In September, 2008, some 20 younger historians and political scientists from around the country gathered in New Haven at an unpublicized location nearby Yale. The participants, carefully chosen by the university’s GSP directors, had been invited to meet with Hertog.[30] 

The financial management mogul told those at the Yale meet-up that he was willing to spend as much as $10 million over the coming years to fund scholars interested in inaugurating grand strategy programs at their respective campuses. He requested short, three-page proposals from the professors-on-the-rise detailing how they would use his seed money. 

He urged them to think about how to connect their projects with others around the country to leverage their collective impact, and cautioned that he did not necessarily want exact replicas of Yale's venture. The subsequent GSPs and allied programs, some of them already up and running, evolved with his assistance.[31] 

One direct result was the Hertog Global Strategy Initiative at Columbia University, headed by Yale alum, historian Mathew Connelly. Hertog money went to the “Program in American Grand Strategy” at Duke [32] headed by Peter D. Feaver, a former National Security Council advisor to Presidents Clinton and Bush II. The Foundation fronted $200,000 in seed money to the short-lived Wisconsin program under Jeremi Suri’s watch.[33] 

Roger Hertog & Jeremi Suri, then head of Wisconsin's GSP
Temple University’s preexisting Center for the Study of Force and Diplomacy (CENFAD), under the direction of the foreign policy CIA historian, Richard Immerman received funding.   Philadelphia’s longstanding Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) announced the establishment of a Grand Strategy Program in conjunction with CENFAD, “…the result of a 3-year grant to Temple University from the Hertog Foundation.”[34] 

Hertog has also funded Long War research fellows at the Council on Foreign Relations, among them Stephen Biddle, the former associate professor and chair of military studies at the U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute; and Michael J. Gerson, George W. Bush's chief speechwriter from 2001 until June 2006, and senior policy advisor from 2000 through June 2006. (Gerson has been attributed with coining the phrase “axis of evil,” the phrase referring to Iraq, Iran, and North Korea that made its first appearance in Bush’s 2002 State of the Union address.) [35] 

Long War in the Triangle
Duke's Peter Feaver
One of the recipients of Hertog “strategic philanthropy” has been the “Program in American Grand Strategy” at Duke University, headed by Peter D. Feaver, a significant figure in strategic planning circles and an important player within the Long War University.[36]

A political scientist with a Harvard PhD, Feaver also is the director of Triangle Institute for Security Studies (TISS), the well-established strategic policy consortium with affiliates at Duke, the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, and North Carolina State.[37]

A specialist in the relationship between civil society and the military, Feaver served under the Clinton administration, from 1993 to 1994, as director for defense policy and arms control on the National Security Council; as an expert on national security strategy, counter-proliferation policy, regional nuclear arms control, and other political-military issues. Bipartisan, he then worked as special advisor for strategic planning and institutional reform on the NSC staff during the Bush years, from June 2005 to July 2007.[38]

John Nagl, co-author Counterinsurgency Field Manual FM-324
Feaver is also an affiliate of the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), the increasingly influential liberal hawk think tank presided over by the warrior intellectual John Nagl,[39] the former military man and key architect of a revived counterinsurgency emphasis in the military.  

Nagl helped write the influential Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual under the command of former General David Petraeus. Now in the civilian garb of the warrior intellectual, he exerts significant influence among the Long War academics. Nagl currently moderates Foreign Policy magazine’s “Shadow Government” blog along with fellow Long Warrior, Jeremi Suri's associate at the U-Texas-Austin Strauss Center, Yale alum William Inboden. 

DoD Head Robert Gates at Duke
The homepage for the Duke GSP reads, “American grand strategy is the collection of plans and policies by which the leadership of the United States mobilizes and deploys the country's resources and capabilities, both military and non-military, to achieve its national goals.” In fulfillment of its mission, Feaver has brought in a number of national security state notables, among them, September, 2010,  then-Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, who gave a public address on the all-volunteer military in an age of the Long War and also taught a session of Feaver’s grand strategy class.[40] 

Grand Strategist H.R. McMaster 
The previous September, the GSP and TISS co-sponsored a talk by then Brig. Gen. H.R. McMaster on “Counterinsurgency and the War in Afghanistan.” The General served in both Iraq wars and worked on the team that designed the Iraq “surge” and at the time of his talk directed a key division at Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC), the Army’s warfare planning center headquartered at Ft. Monroe, Virginia. 

An ultimate warrior intellectual, McMaster holds a PhD in US History from the University of North Carolina, has been a research fellow at the Hoover Institute and London’s International Institute for Strategic Studies, lectured at the American Enterprise Institute, and is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.

Michael Doran, Middle East Semi-Warrior
Duke’s GSP has featured other prominent guest lecturers, including John Gaddis and Paul Kennedy from Yale; Michael Doran, the “Roger Hertog Senior Fellow” at the Brookings Institution’s Saban Center For Middle East Policy; as well as the former Bush Administration neocons -- Stephen Hadley, John Bolton, and Douglas Feith. [41] 

The Warriors at Temple 
A “Hertog Seminar In Grand Strategy” was launched at Temple University in spring 2009, with the assistance of a 3-year, $225,000 grant from the Hertog Foundation arranged through the foreign policy historians, Yale alum Will Hitchcock and Richard Immerman, current director of the university’s Center for the Study of Force and Diplomacy (emphasis theirs). 

The CENFAD newsletter stated at the time that Temple had been chosen “as a site for replicating Yale University’s ‘Grand Strategy’ course – a yearlong seminar on military strategy (emphasis ours) taught by Charles Hill, John Lewis Gaddis, and Paul Kennedy...” 

The same article pointed out that Hertog did not believe in making unrestricted gifts to academe but rather believed in setting benchmarks to ensure the goals he envisioned. It went on to state ,“that CENFAD, its associates, and students will expend every effort to meet this challenge” to make sure that the Hertog Seminar in Grand Strategy remains at Temple.”[42] 

Richard Immerman
Immerman spelled out the details of CENFAD’s arrangement with Hertog in an announcement to Temple’s History Department that April. The program would have three parts: a teaching component open to undergraduates and graduate students that would explore the foundations and practice of grand strategy, defined as “a way of thinking about power.” 

The Hertog grant would also go toward the establishment of a “Consortium on Grand Strategy” in conjunction Philadelphia’s Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and CENFAD that would bring together mid-Atlantic “academic scholars and practitioners” six times an academic year. Third, the program would publish selected work of Seminar and Consortium scholars and students participants in the FPRI’s journal Orbis. 

Housed at Temple’s History Department, CENFAD was founded in 1993, and “fosters interdisciplinary faculty and student research on the historic and contemporary use of force and diplomacy in a global context.” It currently is directed by Immerman, a liberal semi-warrior. Known for his historical writing on the Central Intelligence Agency, he served from 2007-2008, as “Assistant Deputy Director of National Intelligence, Analytic Integrity and Standards, and Analytic Ombudsman, Office of the Director of National Intelligence,” an oversight position created to ensure the standards and accuracy of national intelligence documents.

Around since 1955 as a conservative Cold War institute initially affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania and funded by the conservative Smith Richardson Foundation, FPRI has continued as an independent think tank “devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests.”[43] 

The institute reached the peak of its influence during the Reagan years and more currently focuses its attention on issues such as the “war on terrorism,” developments in the Middle East, relations with China, Russia, and Japan, and broader questions including the roles of religion and ethnicity in international politics, and “the nature of Western identity and its implications for the U.S. and the Atlantic Alliance.”[44] 

Long War Summers at Columbian
Ad for Columbia's HGSI, 2010
Columbia University’s variant of the Hertog-funded strategic studies program, the Hertog Global Strategy Initiative (HGSI) had its start in 2010 under the direction of the Yale alum and John Gaddis student, Matthew Connelly.[45] In a variant of the programs elsewhere, experts and select undergraduate and graduate students meet during the summer for twelve weeks. Each summer session focuses on a critical international issue. 

The first year’s session focused on “Nuclear Proliferation and the Future of World Power” and was co-taught by Connelly and Francis“Frank” Gavin, visiting from the Strauss Center at U-Texas-Austin. The summer 2011 seminar focused on “The History and Future of Pandemic Threats and Global Public Health.” The projected session for the summer, 2012 will focus on “Religious Violence and Apocalyptic Movements”. 

The program clearly resembles that developed by Gaddis at Yale. Students spend the first three weeks of the summer in “total immersion” training the methods of international history. Eight weeks are then spent conducting independent and team projects, followed by a final week where the students present their research, develop future scenarios, and participate in crisis simulation exercises.[46] 

Kissinger at HGSI seminar. (Connelly to his right; Gavin to his left)
It was the eminently better connected Gavin who, for the “nuclear summer” session, helped arrange guest lectures by a number of prominent scholars, nuclear experts, and current and former officials involved in countering the proliferation threat. Visitors from among the “nuclear policy priesthood” included Henry Kissinger, Deputy Secretary of State James B.Steinberg, and Philip Zelikow, a senior foreign policy official in the George W. Bush administration and former director of the 9/11 Commission.[47] 

For their final week scenario building “simulation” exercise, seminar students were led by Dr. Betty Sue Flowers, a leading expert in “future forecasting” and the guiding force behind Shell Oil’s Global Scenarios, a much emulated standard for corporate and government scenario projects including the National Intelligence Council’s “Global Trends Reports”. [48] 

Long Horn Long Warriors 
In May 2010, Jeremi Suri, the force behind the organization and director of the ill-fated Grand Strategy Program at the University of Wisconsin-Madison announced that he was taking a joint appointment at the University of Texas, including a position at the increasingly prestigious Robert S. Strauss Center for International Security and Law.  A brief survey of the Strauss Center suggests that Suri’s move to Austin was nothing, if not the perfect decision for Madison’s former wunderkind and “rising star.”  The Strauss Center was already rife with star power. 

Yale Grand Strategy alum at Texas, Will Inboden,
Among the Center's affiliates are Suri’s fellow Yalies, Vietnam War historian Mark Lawrence  and William Inboden. A graduate of Yale’s inaugural Grand Strategy class, Inboden went to Texas in December, 2010 after completing a tour as the senior vice president of the London-based conservative Legatum Institute, where he conducted research on “issues related to national security, political and economic liberty, and global prosperity.”

He previously was a senior director for strategic planning on the National Security Council at the White House, where he worked on a range of issues including the national security strategy, “democracy and governance,” contingency planning, and “counter-radicalization”.
Prior to the NSC, Inboden was a member of the Policy Planning Staff at the State Department and a special adviser in the Office of International Religious Freedom.[49]

The Center has had an additional number of Long War intellectuals with top-level national security state ties among its associates. They include Phillip Bobbitt, concurrently the “Roger Hertog Program on Law and National Security” at the Columbia University Law School and a senior fellow at Strauss. 

Another is Bobby Ray Inman, who recently became the head of the Board of Directors of Xe Services (formerly known as Blackwater USA), the transnational private military and security firm.  He formerly served two terms as dean of UT-Austin’s Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs. (The Strauss Center is located in the LBJ School.) 

Bobby Ray Inman
Inman, before going to Xe, had worn multiple hats. A retired Navy Admiral, he has been Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Director of the National Security Agency, Director of Naval Intelligence, Vice Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, and former Director of Wackenhut Corporation, another transnational security firm and mercenary contractor. He also served as Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas from 1987 through 1990. He had been slated to become President Bill Clinton’s Secretary of Defense, before withdrawing his name from nomination in 1994. He also was a member of the Board of Directors of the infamous coal company Massey Energy. [50] 

Phillip Bobbitt talk on "Wars for 21st Century," London, 2008
Lyndon Johnson's nephew, Bobbitt was once described by Henry Kissinger as 'the outstanding political philosopher of our time.” He formerly served as the Counselor for International Law at the State Department during the George H. W. Bush Administration and at the National Security Council, where he was director for Intelligence Programs. He also heads the Tikvah-Hertog Summer Institute on Law and National Security at Columbia University.

He also was senior director for Critical Infrastructure, and senior director for Strategic Planning under Bill Clinton. He’s been a member of the Task Force on National Security and Law at the Hoover Institution. Having served as an adviser to four Presidents, he has been described as "the Presidents' brain."[51]

Fluent grand strategist Celeste Gventer
Leaving her position as Senior Defense Analyst at the Rand Corporation, defense policy wonk Celeste Gventer became the associate director of the Strauss Center in October, 2010. She previously served two tours in Iraq –  in 2003-04, when she worked on the creation of the Iraqi Ministry of  Defense and as an assistant to the Iraqi National Security Advisor; and in 2006 as politico-military adviser to Gen Peter W. Chiarelli, currently the second-highest ranking officer in the US Army.

Gventer also worked as a special assistant to the counselor of the State Department, a strategist in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, and a research fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Her former boss at the State Department, Philip D. Zelikow, describer her as "one of the brightest talents in the new generation of America's national security leaders...;" “tempered by war zones and Washington,” and “fluent in grand strategy…” She is known for her knowledge of military and defense operations.

In 2006, the Strauss Center and Columbia University’s American Assembly Program launched the Next Generation Project on U.S. Global Policy, a multi-year national effort to solicit new ideas from a geographically diverse range of strategic thinkers outside the traditional East Coast corridors of power. With Frank Gavin at the helm, The Next Generation Project co-sponsored a March, 2010 conference at the Meridian International Center in Washington, DC. Attendees at the conclave jointly sponsored by the American Assembly, the Strauss Center, and the Center for New American Security (CNAS), examined the “U.S.Global Policy: Challenges to Building a 21st Century Grand Strategy". 

Frank Gavin, Srauss Center Semi-Warrior
The current Director of the Strauss Center, foreign policy historian Francis “Frank” Gavin’s  interests have focused on U.S. global governance, national security affairs, nuclear strategy and arms control, presidential policy making, and the history of international monetary relations. He was the first Tom Slick Professor of International Affairs at Lyndon B.Johnson School of Public Affairs at Texas-Austin. 

Gavin  was a 1997 Olin National Security Fellow at Harvard University's Center for International Affairs, subsequently an International Security Fellow at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, and a Research Fellow at the Miller Center for Public Affairs at the University of Virginia. Gavin also spent the summer of 2010 at Columbia University's Hertog Global Strategy Initiative, alongside Mathew Connolly. 

Scattered at numerous campuses and institutes across the country, the intellectuals of the Long War occasionally gather at various conferences. The Feaver-lead Triangle Institute for Security Studies (TISS) hosted one such confab in February, 2009, co-sponsored by Duke and the US Army War College’s Strategic Studies Institute.

The two-day conclave on “Grand Strategy After War” explored the “ways forward” beyond Iraq, for the US. Its sessions explored the aftermath of World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and the Cold War for "lessons learned" to help frame thinking in regard to “what a post-Iraq War domestic and strategic environment might look like.” 

Academic Warrior "Mac" Owens
Yale’s John Gaddis gave the conference’s keynote speech, “What is Grand

Strategy.” Jeremi Suri, still the head of the Hertog-backed Grand Strategy Program at Wisconsin, presented a paper on “The Promise and Failure of American Grand Strategy after the Cold War.” 

Commenting on his work was the Council on Foreign Relations “Hertog Fellow,” Stephen Biddle. That panel also included the conservative hawk MacKubin Owens, professor of Strategy and Force Planning at the Naval War College, a senior fellow at Temple’s Foreign Policy Research Institute and editor of its journal, Orbis, a significant platform for Long Warrior thinking. 

A session appraising the US situation in the post-Vietnam era heard a presentation by the warrior intellectual Mark Moyar, the “Kim T. Adamson Chair of Insurgency and Terrorism at the U.S. Marine Corps University.” His Phoenix and the Birds of Prey: Counterinsurgency and Counterterrorism in Vietnam (1997) presented a positive assessment of the highly controversial CIA-run Phoenix Program, the Vietnam-era counter insurgency program that assassinated tens of thousands of South Vietnamese civilians.

Long Warrior Mark Moyar
His controversial Triumph Forsaken: The VietnamWar, 1954-1965 (2006), a rightward revision of the war’s history, argued that the US could have won the war if there had been a political leadership with the will to win, and the right military tactics, including an invasion of North Vietnam, had been used. 

Commenting on Moyar’s presentation was Richard Betts, director of the International Security Policy Program at Columbia University, a former staff member on the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, the National Security Council and a consultant for Central Intelligence Agency.[52]

Long War University Homecoming
In August, 2010 key members of the Long War grand strategist fraternity gathered for a “Workshop on the Teaching of Grand Strategy” at the Naval War College at Newport.[53] It was only logical that they met there rather than at some university.

The NWC, with its long history of strategic planning dating back to an earlier age of global naval power, had long before developed the curriculum that became the model for the “grand strategies discipline” employed at Yale and subsequently elsewhere.[54]  For some attendees, like John Gaddis, who spent part of his early teaching career there, the summer return to Newport must have seemed like a homecoming. Intellectually, it was a return to base. 

The gathering was designed to bring together “some of the nation’s most influential thinkers to explore how they design courses on grand strategy.” The meet-up’s list of attendees read like an abbreviated “who’s who” of right-of-center semi-warrior academics and revolving-door security intellectuals. 

Included among them were not only Gaddis, Hill and Kennedy and their Yale disciples, the Columbia recipient of Roger Hertog largesse, Mathew Connelly; Duke’s Hal Brands, and Jeremi Suri, at the time still at the UW-MAdison. [55]   Also present were Temple’s Richard Immerman and Columbia’s Richard Betts.[56] 

Charlie Hill speaks and Jeremi Suri (rear) listens, NWC, 2010
Others attending included Middle East expert Michael Doran. Formerly a visiting professor at NYU, he now is the “Roger Hertog Senior Fellow” at the Brooking Institution. Doran served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense under George W. Bush, and was a Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.[57] 

The current chair of military history at Ohio State, Peter Mansoor was on hand. A former Army colonel, he served as executive officer to General David Petraeus while the latter was commander of the US occupation forces in Iraq . 

Peter Mansoor, Then...

And now.. A warrior intellectual.
As part of the "Petraeus guys," he helped develop the tactical thinking that became known as the Iraq “surge,” along with John Nagl and then-Col. H.R McMaster. [58]

Also attending was the hawkish Aaron Friedberg, national security advisor to Vice President Dick Cheney and a founding member of the Project for a New American Century, currently at Princeton's Center for International Security Studies.[59] Georgetown’s Robert J. Lieber, member of the ultra conservative Committee on the Present Danger, [60] also was there among the other imperial academics.[61] 

The NWC retreat might best be described as an imperial war hawk’s “how-to” teach-in.

Geared to instruction on how to teach grand strategy to military men, government officials and university students, its sessions included one called “’Great Books’ on Strategy” (What belongs in the canon [sic]…What students should read?)”;  “Economics and Grand Strategy” (“How have economies been targeted for attack? With what result?” “How has control of the maritime commons [i.e. the open seas] contributed to strategic success?”). A Session on “Terror War” explored “problems in teaching strategy of states fighting non-state actors” and “how to study warfare amidst the peoples.” 

Another workshop looking at “Strategic Leadership” explored “the relationship of political and military leadership in strategic decision making” and “leadership in democracies”. Yet another, on “Great Power Wars,” discussed how to teach “the strategic significance of the commons – maritime, aerospace, and information.”  The closing session on “Second Thoughts and Away Ahead” looked at “how to stay connected with each other,” the “sharing of information about courses,” “ways to promote cooperation and break down barriers;” and “how to promote courses in the professional military and the universities.”[62] 

Hudson's Lewis "Scooter" Libby
A follow-up thank you note from the NWC’s lead organizer spoke of his “hope that we will stay connected and assist each other in our common enterprise.” The same note addressed to the workshop’s participants contained the e-mail address “,” belonging to Lewis “Scooter” Libby, Senior Vice President of the neoconservative Hudson Institute. Vice President Dick Cheney's former chief of staff, Libby was convicted in connection with the federal investigation into the “PlameGate” affair.[63] 

The Long War on Campus 
The so-called “Grand Strategy Programs” represent but one small element of a proliferating Long War University complex. The number of university programs connected to the national security state, the imperial foreign policy establishment and the military planners is vast. So too, are the numbers of campus-based think tanks and related institutes in service to empire, well-funded by foundations, wealthy “philanthropists”, or directly by Federal spending.[64]

“Grand strategy” is little more than imperial doctrine, a “soft” public relations term for strategic studies -- a growing academic discipline with origins in the war ministries of an earlier era’s imperial powers. US warfare doctrine in the post-9/11 era has returned to a focus on counterinsurgency, or COIN; on fighting limited “asymmetric” wars against unconventional enemies defined as “terrorists” or insurgents. “Nation-building,” the “reconstruction” of other societies, cultures and “failed states” and the “winning of hearts and minds” at home as well as abroad -- are now included in COIN doctrine. Not just the conduct of “low intensity conflicts,” it has become a much broader, increasingly sophisticated spectrum of intervention, indeed a “growth industry” for a new generation of semi-warriors.

COIN has come to occupy a central place in the thinking of the warrior intellectuals busily informing one another and upcoming generations of their students. Sharing a broad consensus on America’s role in the world and imbued with a sense of American exceptionalism and enduring mission, these Long War intellectuals at the national warfare state universities have joined in preparation for a permanent war, one not solely for geo-strategic position or to assure a continued lion’s share of the world’s resources; but for imperial projects yet to come. Deeply invested in the future, the Long War University will continue. At least for the foreseeable future.

*Steve Horn is a Research Fellow at DeSmogBlog, as well as a freelance investigative journalist. Allen Ruff is a U.S. historian and independent writer on foreign policy issues. Both live in Madison, WI. 

Not to be quoted or reproduced without the permission of the authors

[1] For example, Thomas Donnelly& Frederick W. Kagan, eds., Lessons for a Long War - How America Can Win on New Battlefields (American Enterprise Institute, 2010)
[2]  [U.S. Naval War College], “Strategy and Policy Department Hosts Workshop on the Teaching of Grand Strategy” (August, 2010); TRADOC:
Internal documents for the University of Wisconsin-Madison JASONs, acquired through Wisconsin Open Records requests, have revealed connections to the Naval War College at Annapolis, the Air Force War College, and the National Defense University. (Photocopies in possession of authors)

[3] Bruce Fellman, “Training the Next Leaders,” Yale Alumni Magazine, (March, 2003),; Alexander Dworkowitz, “Masters of the Universe”, The New Journal, 10. (Nov, 2000) ; Amy Dockser Marcus, “Where Policy Makers Are Born,” Wall Street Journal, December 20, 2008,
[4] Gaddis is the biographer of the Cold Warrior diplomat strategist, George F. Kennan. A critic of the strategy of Soviet containment devised by Kennan, he also established himself as the major opponent of the 1960s left “revisionist historians” led by William Appleman Williams and the “Wisconsin School,” which exposed US imperial designs and culpability in inaugurating and perpetuating the East-West conflict.  A helmsman of the “post-revisionist” conservative turn, Gaddis became one of the first US diplomatic historians to plumb Soviet-era archives. He has written numbers of articles regarding the need for a post-Cold War American grand strategy. His expertise has been sought by the CIA and the Naval War College. In 2005, at the height of the Iraq War, President Bush awarded him the National Humanities Medal. [Mark Alden Branch , “Days of Duck and Cover,” Yale Alumni Magazine, (March, 2000);;

[5]  The second member of the “Triumvirate” is the endowed chair in history, Paul Kennedy. Described as the “liberal” of the trio, Kennedy is perhaps best described as a “liberal hawk”. He edited a 1991 collection entitled Grand Strategies in War and Peace. He not only directed the ISS center but is now a “distinguished fellow” with the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy. He has authored some nineteen books, including such titles as The War Plans of the Great Powers, The Realities Behind Diplomacy, and Preparing for the Twenty-First Century and the highly successful The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (1988). [“Paul Kennedy,”; ].

While regularly described as the “moderate” or even the “left” of the Yale GSP trio, Kennedy signed on to several letters to the president issued by the neoconservative-led Project for a New American Century (PNAC). Kennedy signed PNAC’s “Open Letter to Congress on Increasing U.S. Ground Forces” in January, 2005 .  Arguing that, “The United States will not and should not become less engaged in the world in the years to come,” and that the U.S. military engagement in the Middle East would take a "generational commitment," the signatories called upon the legislative branch “to take the steps necessary to increase substantially the size of the active duty Army and Marine Corps” by at least 25,000 troops annually over the next several years. [PNAC, Letter to Congress on Increasing US Ground Forces (January, 28, 2005), Neocons and Liberals Together, Again” (]

[6]  Perhaps the most interesting of the Grand Strategy Bulldogs is Charles “Charlie” Hill, the trio’s unabashed “man of the right”. Currently a “diplomat in residency” and lecturer in international studies, as well as another “Brady-Johnson Distinguished Fellow in Grand Strategy,” he came to the academy following a previous career and forced retirement from the diplomatic corps. Critics have dubbed him Yale’s “diplomat-in-exile”. A foreign service careerist, in 1983 he became Secretary of State George Schultz’s Chief of Staff and that ultimately led to his “career change”. He was forced to resign when the investigation of the Reagan-era “Iran-Contra Affair” revealed he had concealed and falsified evidence of Schultz’s extensive insider knowledge of illegal goings-on from federal agents. An investigation concluded that Hill had willfully withheld relevant notes and prepared false testimony for his boss in 1987. An unindicted co-conspirator, he eventually made his way to Yale in 1997.
A reviewer of his 2007 biography found Hill to be one whose worldview is based on a 'fundamental faith in the righteousness of American power, properly wielded' and a man who looks back fondly at the methods and success of  Reagan foreign policies. He served during Vietnam, from 1971-73, as the “mission coordinator” at the U.S Embassy in Saigon. In the mid to late 1970s, he was a member of the policy planning staff and speech writer for then Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger.
He then went on to occupy several positions at the US embassy at Tel Aviv before being elevated to the State Department’s Director of Israel and Arab-Israeli Affairs in 1981 and Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Middle East in 1982. He established close ties with the right wing Likud Party during that period.
Like his colleague Kennedy, Hill also was a signer of several statements and letters issued by the Project for a New American Century (PNAC), that key promoter for the reassertion of an aggressive post-Cold War globalism and the invasion of Iraq. While already at Yale, Hill served as chief foreign policy advisor and chair of Rudolph Giuliani’s senior advisory team during the New York Mayor’s short-lived bid for the 2008 Republican Party Presidential nomination. In that position, he rubbed elbows with various notables of the neoconservative movement including the Washington Institute for Near East Policy’s Martin Kramer, Peter Berkowitz of the Hoover Institute, Commentary magazine’s Norman Podhoretz, and the likes of Daniel Pipes, noted for his campaigns against American “Islamofascist” college professors. [“Charles Hill”;  “Who is Charlie Hill?”]
 Interviewed for a Yale Daily News article on reasons for the high number of Yalies historically and more recently recruited by the CIA, Hill offered an explanation. "People who go to Yale are people of high character," he said. "In intelligence agencies, you need people with character; they've got to be intrepid, you have to know that they're going to do the job." The reporter apparently did not follow up with a question regarding Hill’s behavior during the Iran-Contra going-on nor did he mention that Hill did his undergrad at Brown and M.A. at Penn. [Julie Post, “For God, Country, Yale and the CIA,” Yale Daily News September 24, 2004, ( ]
[7] Among those in on the early discussions was the New York Times’ Thomas Friedman. Bruce Fellman “Training the Next Leaders” Yale Alumni Magazine March, 2003
[8]. Ibid.; Gaddis, “What is Grand Strategy,” Duke University, February 26, 2009, the keynote address for a conference on “American Grand Strategy after War,” sponsored by the Triangle Institute for Security Studies and the Duke University Program in American Grand Strategy, pp.8.
[9] Career diplomat John Negroponte (Yale, Class of 1960) became Deputy Secretary of State, second-in-command to Condoleeza Rice in the State Department, starting in February, 2007. Just prior, he was appointed by George W. Bush as the first Director of National Intelligence. He also served as a Bush era US representative to the United Nations. He played a central role in the push for UN Security Council backing for the eventual U.S-led invasion of Iraq and Bush appointed him as ambassador to Baghdad in June, 2004. Earlier in his career, from 1971 to 1973, he was the officer-in-charge for Viernam at the National Security Council (NSC), yet another acolyte of Henry Kissinger.

Negroponte won notoriety as Ronald Reagan’s ambassador to Honduras during the 1980s “Contra War” against Nicaragua and the Honduran military dictatorship of General Gustavo Alvarez Martínez. During that time, Honduras was ruled by a US-backed military regime accused of human rights violations and death squad activity. US military aid to Honduras during the period grew from $4,000,000 to over $77,000,000. Honduras was also used as a staging area for the Nicaraguan Contra insurgents illegally aided by the Reagan Administration in violation of congressional mandate. The Honduran Rights Commission, which documented the disappearance and torture of over 184 political opponents of that country’s military regime, accused Negroponte of complicity in numerous human rights violations.

The later publication of U.S. Embassy cables from Tegucigalpa written between late 1981 and 1984 exposed dozens of communiqués in which the Ambassador sought to undermine regional peace efforts, as well as multiple reports of meetings and conversations with Honduran military officers instrumental in providing logistical support and infrastructure for CIA covert operations in support of the “Contra War” -"our special project" as Negroponte referred to it in the cable traffic. 

Among the records were special “back channel” communications with then-CIA director William Casey, including a recommendation to increase the number of arms being supplied to the leading contra force, and advice on how to rewrite a Presidential finding on covert operations to overthrow the Sandinistas to make it more politically palatable to an increasingly uneasy U.S. Congress. Conspicuously absent from the cable traffic were reports on human rights atrocities  committed by the Honduran military and its secret police units under the military leadership of General Gustavo Alvarez, Negroponte's main liaison with the Honduran government. For details on Negroponte’s career, see:;;;
[12] Nicholas F. Brady: For MITRE, see:;   The University of Wisconsin JASONs, ostensibly name after, but not directly connected to the national organization, was instrumental in the creation of Wisconsin’s Grand Strategy Program.
[15]  For a description of the Yale program and its origins, see:  John Gaddis, “What Is Grand Strategy?”, .
[16]  At one such session, Gaddis played President George W. Bush. Wearing cowboy boots, he propped his feet up on a desk and walked out of the room in the middle of a presentation.
[18]  William Alden “There is No Fighting in the War Room,” Yale Daily News (December 7, 2007) .
[19]  “Where Policy Makers Are Born,”
[20] Maj. Juliet Chelkowski,  “Marines discuss the future security environment with Yale University representatives” Leatherneck, 3/2/2009 []
[21] Yale International Historians in the World
[22] Jeff Nadaner:;;;  For Lockheed Martin,
[23] More recently, Hertog made a rare appearance in the news when he put up a $2,000,000 dollar unsecured bond for his close associate Black, after the Canadian media mogul won an appeal on a technicality. He was convicted of three counts of fraud and one count of obstruction of justice in a scheme that that diverted $6.1 million for personal use from a publishing venture , Hollinger International that he controlled. He was acquitted of nine other counts, including racketeering. Black was sentenced to six-and-a-half years, of which he served slightly more than two years when Hertog got him out on July 19, 2010, pending further proceedings.;;

[24] For Hertog’s connections with neo-conservative movement, and a detailed account of the rise and seeting of the New York Sun, see: Scott Sherman, “Sun-rise in New York” The Nation, April 18, 2007, and Joe Hagan, “President Bush’s Neoconservatives Were Spawned Right Here in N.Y.C.” New York Observer, April 27, 2003. Michael Tomasky “Who Is Roger Hertog?”  American Prospect, May 5, 2005; “Roger Hertog” 

[25] While Hertog was not as fabulously wealthy as some of his conservative associates, he also became the executor for the estate of his mentor and business associate, Zalman Bernstein. (; ). Hertog has been able to draw from that fortune to dispense funds to numerous conservative ventures in Israel and the US, primarily through the Tikvah Fund, founded by Bernstein and now headed by his disciple. For some sense of where Tikavh Fund money has gone under Hertog’s leadership, see: 

One study of Israeli think tanks described the Shalem Center, of which Hertog was an important backer, in the following manner: “The Shalem Center is unique on the Israeli think tank scene. First it explicitly promotes a neo-conservative right-wing world view. Second, its declared aim is to help formulate a neo-conservative ideology which is adapted to Israeli society and the Jewish world at large. Thirdly, it clearly sees itself as laying the foundation of a new form of political and social thinking, which will ultimately change Israeli society.”  Sarit Ben Simhon-Peleg, Jewish Philanthropy and the Third Sector – The Case of Israeli Think Tanks. (Tel Aviv: 2008)  For Hertog’s ties to various Israeli ventures, see:;
[26] Campus journals receiving Hertog money include those at Columbia, Toronto, Brandeis, NYU, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Princeton and Yale. Hertog money also went into the Shalem Center’s journal, Azure, a quarterly “on issue concerning the Jewish public”  to which Jeremi Suri has contributed. “Student Activism Moves from Rallies to Journals. Israeli Thin Tank Funding North American Campus Publications”. ( Hertog also became an important contributor, along with a number of other multi-millionaire conservatives to the Birthright Israel Foundation, which by October, 2010 had sent more than 260,000 young Jewish Americans on all expense paid 10-day trips to Israel. Kiera Feldman, “Operation Birthright,” The Nation, (June 16, 2011);
[27] The Hertog Foundation underwrote the costs of the September 20, 2011. For Hertog’s and Walker’s full remarks, see:
[28] Brett Stephens, “The Business of Big Ideas - Meet Roger Hertog,” Philanthropy,  (October 1, 2010), 

[29] Elizabeth Harris, “The Policy Revolutionaries,” Worth Magazine, May 1, 2006,; Naomi Schaefer Riley, “Roger Hertog: ‘Free Markets and All That Stuff,” Wall Street Journal, (May 17, 2008), David Skinner, “Roger Hertog,”

Re: the Tikvah Fund, see: and  For a critical look at the operation of the  Fund and a discussion of Hertog’s role, see: Zachary Braiterman, “Conservative Money and Jewish Studies: Investigating the Tikvah Fund,”

[30] Amy Dockser Marcus, “Where Policy Makers Are Born - A class at Yale with close Washington ties aims to expand to other schools ” Wall Street Journal,  (December 20, 2008).
[31] Dockser Marcus, “Where Policy Makers Are Born…” ibid..
[32] In contrast to what had been the home page statement of purpose for the U-Wisconsin-Madison GSP, the description and stated purpose of the Duke GSP is remarkably up-front. The Duke home page opening paragraph, in its emtirety,  reads: “American grand strategy is the collection of plans and policies by which the leadership of the United States mobilizes and deploys the country's resources and capabilities, both military and non-military, to achieve its national goals. Grand strategy exists in the real world of governing, whether it is carefully formulated and articulated in advance, or whether it evolves ad hoc out of the world-views, predilections, and subjectivities of those who govern. It is a fruitful field for scholars and students to study so that those who govern and those who are governed might have the richest conceptual repertoire with which to construct and evaluate national policies.
[35] On Gerson, see: Naomi Schaefer Riley "Mr. Compassionate Conservatism," The Wall Street Journal (October  21,2006); Michael Isikoff & David Corn, Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War. Gerson was also Chief Speechwriter and Senior Policy Adviser during Bush’s Presidential campaign (1999–2000) [ ], was a foreign policy advisor at the Heritage Foundation, and currently is a columnist for the Washington Post.

[36] Accrording to one report, Feaver approached Hertog as early as the fall, 2007 with a bid for a grant to inaugurate the GSP at Duke. (“Where Policy Makers Are Born - A class at Yale with close Washington ties aims to expand to other schools ” Wall Street Journal,  December 20, 2008.) According to his personal vita, he received two grants from the Hertog Foundation for the Duke progam -- $73,000 in 2008 and $75,000 in 2009, apparently utilized for the hiring of a “Hertog Assistant/Associate Professorship in American Military/Diplomatic History”
[ ] Feaver’s vita sites a much longer list of diverse donors to his various projects, among them notable conservative foundations like the Milwaukee-based Bradley Foundation and the Smith Richardson Foundation.
[39] Nagl in some ways is the epitome of the increasingly influential public warrior intellectual. The President of the Center for a New American Security,  he is also a member of the Defense Policy Board, a Visiting Professor in the War Studies Department at Kings College of London, a life member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and a member of London’s International Institute of Strategic Studies.
He led a tank platoon in Operation Desert Storm and served as the operations officer of a tank battalion task force in Operation Iraqi Freedom before going on to teach national security studies at West Point and at Georgetown’s Security Studies Program. He has served as a Military Assistant to two Deputy Secretaries of Defense. 
He earned his Master of the Military Arts and Sciences Degree from the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and his doctorate from Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar. The author of the widely-read Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife: Counterinsurgency Lessons from Malaya and Vietnam, he has published widely in the mainstream and military/national security press, spoken on TV and radio and lectured domestically and internationally at various war colleges,  major universities, intelligence agencies, and business forums. [ ].

[40] For Gates at Duke, also see: “Gates Praises Service, Sacrifice of All-Volunteer Force”

[41] For a listing of guests of the Duke GSP, see:
[42]  “Hitchcock Brings Hertog Seminar in Grand Strategy to CENFAD,” Strategic Visions,  (Spring 2009)
[43] FPRI Annual Report, 2009:
[44]  About  FPRI:

[45] For Connelly, see: His first book,  A Diplomatic Revolution: Algeria’s Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era, described “how rebels can harness their cause to global trends to isolate and defeat an empire.” He then switched gears to write Fatal Misconception: The Struggle to Control World Population,  a controversial conservative look at world-wide “family planning” attempts.; For a critical review of Fatal Misconception, see: Steven Sinding, “Telling one side of a story”

[46]  "Hertog Global Strategy Initiative,"

[47]  Judith Miller, “Summer School on World Threats,” Minding Our Campuses, Reforming Our Universities  (November 5, 2010).
[48]  “Students Participate in Scenario-Buiding Exercise Led by Betty Sue Flowers”
The Institute hosts occasional symposiums such as the “2009 Legatum Prosperity Symposium,” that have included numbers of the notable Long War academics and other elite Anglo-American globalists. Among those in attendance in 2009 were Duke grand strategist Peter Feaver;  Inboden, still with Legatum at the time; Yale’s Paul Kennedy;  former Yale International Strategic Studies associate Walter Russell Mead, and Jeremi Suri, still at Wisconsin. and .

[50] Bobbi Ray Inman:;; “Former Blackwater Security Firm Gets New Leaders in Image Makeover,”

[52] “Biographies of Participants, Triangle Institute for Security Studies, American Grand Strategy after War Durham and Chapel Hill, NC 26-28th February, 2009” (Download available via “Speakers” link at:

[53] “Strategy and Policy Department Hosts Workshop on the Teaching of Grand Strategy”; “A Teaching Workshop”

[54] Gaddis, “What is Grand Strategy”

[55]  On Suri participation, see: “Workshop on the Teaching of Grand Strategy” (E-mail from John H..Maurer to Jeremi Suri, Friday, March 5th, 2010;  (Reply), Suri to Maurer, March 8th, 2010. (Photocopies acquired through Wisconsin Open Records request.  In possession of authors.)  For Maurer, clearly an intimate of the relatively close knit circle of grand strategy academics, see: “John H. Maurer”

[56]  For Betts, See:;;
[58] A graduate of West Point, Mansoor did his PhD at Ohio State on how Army infantry divisions were developed during World War II.  For Mansoor, an expert in counterinsurgency at Ohio’s Mershon Center for International Strategic Studies, see:; and “Winning in Afghanistan, ” Los Angeles Times, December 16, 2010.[].
[59 ] Aaron Freidberg has also been a consultant with various the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Council, and the Los Alamos National Laboratory.
[60]  On Lieber:; . See also his 2007 piece on “academic freedom” in regard to the left academy and particularly Middle East Studies: SIFTING AND WINNOWING: THE USES AND ABUSES OF ACADEMIC FREEDOM, International Studies Perspectives (2007) 8, 410-417,   October 9, 2007. . For the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), .
[61] Additional participants included: Reagan hagiographer Kiron Skinner, director of Carnegie Mellon’s Center for International Relations and Politics and research fellow at the Hoover Institute. : (;  Richard Schultz and Bill Martel from Tufts University’s International Security Studies Program (;; Eric Adler, specialist on Roman imperialism from Connecticut College (;  U-Penn’s neocon China policy “hawk,,” Arthur Waldron ( ; Steven Rosen, Harvard Professor of National Security and Military Affairs and former faculty member at the NWC,  director of political-military affairs at the National Security Council in the Ronald Reagan White House. ( Boston University’s Erik Goldstein, ( ) and Pinceton’s G. John Ikenberry ( filled out the list.

[62] “Naval War College Workshop on the Teaching of Grand Strategy… (4-6 August 2010) – Workshop Schedule” (Photocopy of attachment to e-mail, originally sent to Jeremi Suri from John H. Maurer, 20 July 2010. Acquired through Wisconsin Open Records request. In possession of authors.);  [Naval War College]   “Strategy and Policy Department Hosts Workshop on the Teaching of Grand Strategy”

[63] (E-mail: “Teaching Grand Strategy Workshop” Friday, August 6, 2010 From: John H. Maurer [Chair, Strategy and Policy Department, Naval War College] To: [Recipients]  (Photocopy. Acquired through Open Records Request, Jeremi Suri, the University of Wisconsin. In possession of authors.)
According to his bio page on the Hudson website, Libby “guides the Institute's program on national security and defense issues, devoting particular attention to U.S. national security strategy, strategic planning, the future of Asia, the Middle East, and the war against Islamic radicalism.” The page failed to mention his conviction on charges of lying to government investigators.
A founding signatory of the Project for a New American Century, Libby was a member of the clique of hardliners and neoconservatives who pushed for the Iraq War. He was convicted in March 2007 on charges of lying to government investigators probing the leak of the identity of CIA agent Valerie Plame. Among the charges were two counts of perjury, one count of making false statements, and one of obstruction of justice.
The Hudson Institute belongs to a closely knit group of neoconservative policy institutes that promote an Israel-centric hawkish Middle East foreign policy.The Institute’s associates also do research on domestic social and economic agendas, claiming to "challenge conventional thinking and help manage strategic transitions to the future through interdisciplinary and collaborative studies in defense, international relations, economics, culture, science, technology, and law.” (On Libby and Hudson Institute:; )
[64] In addition to the universities central to the story here, others encountered along the way but hardly mentioned if at all, have included the obvious members of the varsity team, such as Harvard, MIT, Stanford, Johns Hopkins, Dartmouth, Princeton and NYU. Programs such as the University of Georgia Grand Strategy Working Group ("Georgia Grand Strategy" or "the Group") (, founded in January 2009, and the Fletcher School’s International Security Studies Program at Tufts University with its “Marine Generals Events” and its exclusive lecture series ( came briefly into view. The Mershon Center for International Security Studies at Ohio State ( and the Miller Center at the University of Virginia ( certainly warranted a closer look as do the ties of the various military war colleges to the rest. (For example, the Strategic Studies Institute at the US Army War College, ( ; the  Grand Strategy Program at the US Air War College, (; the National Defense University, ( and the US Air Force Air University  ( The goings-on at such places as the University of Central Florida, with its large scale military-related institutes, research funding and “public-private partnership” with defense contractors certainly merited a closer look. (; “Northrop Grumman and University of Central Florida Partner for Military Physiological Study,”

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