By
Allen Ruff and Steve Horn*
[This is a slightly revised version of "Uranium Double-Standard: The U.S., Kazakhstan and Iran," that originally appeared at Nation of Change. It is the second installment of an ongoing series on U.S. involvement in Kazakhstan. The first originally appeared at Truthout and is also available here.]
Iran’s alleged “nuclear threat” has taken center stage among diplomats, military men, and politicians in Washington, Tel Aviv, and the West at-large.
Despite the fact that
investigative journalists Seymour Hersh, Gareth Porter and others
have meticulously documented the fact that Iran, in fact, poses no nuclear
threat at all, the Obama Administration and the U.S. Congress have laid down multiple rounds of harsh sanctions as a means to “deter” Iran from
reaching its “nuclear capacity.”
While rhetorical attention
remains focused on Iran’s “threat”, there is an “elephant in the room”:
Kazakhstan’s booming uranium mining and
expanding nuclear industry -- a massive
effort involving U.S. multinational corporations and an authoritarian regime
increasingly tied to Washington.
Double standards have long
reigned supreme in U.S. foreign policy. Few examples illustrate that better
than the contrast between Washington’s stance toward the nuclear ambitions of
Iran and Kazakhstan.
The Seoul Dog and Pony Show
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| Seoul Nuclear Summitry: Obama and Kazakhstan's Nazarbayev (c.) have a laugh as Russia's Dimitry Medvedev (r.) looks on. |
Notables attending the conference included the likes of U.S.
President Barack Obama, Israeli Deputy Prime Minister, Dan Meridor; Canadian
Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Russian outgoing President Dmitry Medvedev,
Chinese President Hu Jintao, South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, and British
Prime Minister Nick Clegg, to name several.
Noticeably absent were representatives from Iran, though the country received the brunt of criticism
from many of the attendees at what amounted to a dog and pony show in Seoul.
Speaking at the Summit, Obama stated, "There is time to solve this
diplomatically, but time is short. Iran's leaders must understand that there is
no escaping the choice before it. Iran must act with the seriousness and sense
of urgency that this moment demands. Iran must meet its obligations."
One notable uranium-developing powerhouse
in no way viewed as a “threat” by the 53 world leaders assembled at Seoul was
Kazakhstan, the resource-rich former Soviet republic strategically located at
the center of the Asian heartland.
A country four times the size of the state of Texas, the Central Asia giant now serves as a
key thoroughfare for what the Pentagon and U.S. geo-strategic planners refer to
as the Northern Distribution Network (NDN),
the main route equipping US/NATO forces in Afghanistan.
Kazakhstan’s self-proclaimed “president for life” --
Nursultan Nazarbayev – played a highly visible role at Seoul and joined
Obama in a bilateral
meeting,
as well as a photo
op.
As the Summit started, the New
York Times published a public relations piece by Nazarbayev, fittingly
titled, “What Iran Can Learn From Kazakhstan.” Noting his country’s post-Soviet
efforts at nuclear weapons disarmament, the Kazakh leader informed his readers
that his country “…chose building peaceful alliances and prosperity over fear
and suspicion…”
The cynicism in Nazarbayev’s
rhetoric could not have been missed by those familiar with a country where no
true opposition parties, critical media or free trade unions are allowed, where
protections under the law are virtually absent; and bribery and corruption
rule.
Just days prior to the appearance
of Nazarabyev’s Times piece, Amnesty International examined events in the aftermath of the December
2011 massacre
of
striking
oil
workers
in
Zhanaozen. Appearing a 100 days after that dark day, the report found the government’s investigation into
the events “inadequate.” Amnesty noted, “There have been numerous reports of
widespread torture and other ill-treatment of those detained by security forces
in the aftermath of the violence and investigations into these allegations do
not to date appear to be thorough and impartial.”
In an effort to counterbalance the influence of neighboring Russia and China, and concerned with Nazarbayev’s importance as a supportive ally in regard to nearby Afghanistan and Iran, US officials have often extended lip service praise for slow-in coming cosmetic social and political reforms as Nazarabyev consolidated his hold of what amounts to a one party monopoly on all the levers of power.
Numerous major human rights monitors, including Human Rights Watch, Freedom House and Amnesty International have long cited Kazakhstan for violations of international protocols regarding workers’ rights, the freedom of assembly and dissent, the state control of the media system at all levels, the routine repression of opposition political parties and candidates, the absence of due process under the law, the impunity of the police, ubiquitous torture, and the limited rights of those accused, detained, prisoners and the lawyers who defend them; and state violence, in general. The mistreatment of immigrants, the exploitation of child labor and human trafficking in the country have also been cited.
Despite documentation of such regularized abuses, representatives of the
regime centered at the country’s newly constructed showcase capital, the “mini-Dubai”
at Astana, have regularly been well received by Washington.
 |
| A striking oil worker at Zhanaozen, one of many massacred on December 16, 2011 |
In an effort to counterbalance the influence of neighboring Russia and China, and concerned with Nazarbayev’s importance as a supportive ally in regard to nearby Afghanistan and Iran, US officials have often extended lip service praise for slow-in coming cosmetic social and political reforms as Nazarabyev consolidated his hold of what amounts to a one party monopoly on all the levers of power.
Numerous major human rights monitors, including Human Rights Watch, Freedom House and Amnesty International have long cited Kazakhstan for violations of international protocols regarding workers’ rights, the freedom of assembly and dissent, the state control of the media system at all levels, the routine repression of opposition political parties and candidates, the absence of due process under the law, the impunity of the police, ubiquitous torture, and the limited rights of those accused, detained, prisoners and the lawyers who defend them; and state violence, in general. The mistreatment of immigrants, the exploitation of child labor and human trafficking in the country have also been cited.
Kazakh
media remain subject to legal restrictions,
prohibitive libel and defamation judgments, self-censorship, harassment, and
pressures from partisan owners and politicians. When Kazakhstan assumed the chairmanship of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010, the government pledged to
improve human rights practices and increase media freedom. The level of press
freedom nevertheless declined during the year, as a restrictive internet law
passed in 2009 was used to intimidate bloggers and block websites, two
independent newspapers were closed, and a journalist remained in jail.
The final report regarding
country’s 2010 OSCE
chairmanship concluded that the Nazarbayev government introduced no
positive changes in regard to its own human rights record, as was promised at
the beginning of its OSCE tenure. The report stated that the regime had
actually displayed disrespect for its international obligations in regard to
human rights.
 |
| Nazarabyev's "Mini-Dubai" at Astana |
Kazakh
Nukes
Well-known for its massive quantity of Caspian Sea oil and natural gas resources, massive quantity of Caspian Sea oil and natural gas resources Kazakhstan is also a growing
nuclear power, possessing roughly 15-percent of the world’s known uranium
supply and producing roughly one-third of the current global supply, according
to
the
World
Nuclear
Association. Bypassing Australia and Canada
last year, it currently is the world’s largest producer of the nuclear fuel
source.
Kazakhstan’s nuclear industry
extends from the mining, processing and export of uranium to the construction
of nuclear reactors. Closely tied to
both Canadian and U.S. mega energy corporations, it seemingly poses no concern
for Washington. Unlike Iran, no one seems to be calling for sanctions or regime
change despite the repressive nature of Nazarbayev’s regime. Business is
business and U.S. strategic interest trumps all.
A bit of recent nuclear industry
business history is in order.
In October 2006, the Japanese
multinational corporation Toshiba -- of television- and
computer-manufacturing fame -- purchased a 77-percent majority share in Westinghouse Electric for a mere $5.4 billion. The other
two companies involved in the buyout were Japan’s IHI
Corporation, as well as the U.S. multinational
Shaw Group.
Less than a year later, in July
2007, Kazakhstan’s state owned company KazAtomProm paid $486.3 million for a 10-percent
of Toshiba’s stake in the jointly owned corporation, meaning it now owns
7.7-percent of Westinghouse.
“The deal,” explained nuclear industry analyst and
consultant, Dan Yurman, “would give Toshiba access to Kazakhstan's uranium at a
time when increased demand has tripled prices of the nuclear fuel ingredient in
the past year. It would give Kazatomprom access to Toshiba's uranium
processing technology and its sales channels.”
The transaction infuriated close observers of the global nuclear industry who cited human rights concerns and the dictatorial, kleptocratic nature of the Nazarbayev regime that “won” yet another rigged election in January, 2012 held amidst the ongoing repression following the
state crackdown at Zhanaozen.
Clinton
and Nazarbayev: East Meets Westinghouse
The nature of wheelings and
dealings under Nazarbayev was fully displayed in an earlier nuclear deal that
preceded, but was directly connected to the Westinghouse purchase - a 2005 transaction between the Kazakh
state-owned KazAtomProm and a Canadian energy entrepreneur, facilitated by none
other than the former U.S. President Bill Clinton.
In 2005, Clinton, then (and
still) head of the newly-formed Clinton
Foundation, helped Canadian business mogul Frank Giustra
make the nuclear deal of a lifetime.
According to the New York Times, Clinton facilitated a trip in
September that year for the two of them to visit Nazarbayev in Almaty,
Kazakhstan. Two days later Giustra “signed preliminary agreements giving it the
right to buy interests in three uranium projects controlled by Kazakhstan’s
state-owned uranium agency, Kazatomprom.”
 |
| Clinton and Nazarbayev: "Let's Make a Deal"? |
The deal needed Nazarbayev’s
go-ahead to assure final approval. With Clinton at his side, Giustra received
it. As the Times piece described it, “The monster deal stunned the
mining industry, turning an unknown shell company (UrAsia Energy Ltd.) into one
of the world’s largest uranium producers in a transaction ultimately worth tens
of millions of dollars to Mr. Giustra.”
Giustra obtained a stake in the mines for $450 million, “the largest initial public offering
in the history of Canada’s Venture Exchange.” In appreciation for his role as
internediary, Giustra made a “philanthropic gift” to the former
President’s Foundation totaling $131.1
milliion.
 |
| Clinton and Canadian uranium mogul pal, Frank Giustra |
The reason for the visit? The
Times provides the answer: “Mr. Dzhakishev said he wanted to
discuss Kazakhstan’s intention — not publicly known at the time — to buy a 10
percent stake in Westinghouse, a United States supplier of nuclear
technology.”
Roughly two years after the deal
was cut, Dzhakishev was sent packing to a high security penitentiary for 14 years, accused by Nazarbayev’s investigators, Bloomberg
reported, of “embezzling state shares in
uranium deposits, including one co-owned by Canada’s Uranium One.” (Uranium
One, of course, was the company that purchased Giustra’s UrAsia Energy Ltd.)
The arrest was made by the KNB, the Kazakhstani successor to the
Soviet-era KGB. Many believe -- including leaders from the
opposition Azat Party
-- that the arrest was politically motivated.
Everyone walked away a winner in
this one, other than Dzhakishev.
In exchange for his patronage,
Nazarbayev received Clinton’s praise for “opening up the social and
political life” of Kazakhstan. The ex-president and former leader of the “free
world” proceeded to endorse the dictator in his bid to become the chair of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE), the body mandated to monitor arms control, human rights, freedom of the
press, and fair elections across the Global North.
Eleven months prior to the 2005
deal, then U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton (D-NY) co-signed a letter to the U.S. State Department she now heads
sounding “alarm bells” regarding Nazarbayev’s earlier bid to head the OSCE. The
letter found Kazakhstan’s bid unacceptable and cited “serious corruption,”
cancelled elections and government control of the media. This
The only honest way to describe the
situation: insider wheeling and dealing of epic proportions for Clinton,
Giustra, and the Nazarbayev clique, with Dzhakishev ending up on the rotten end
of this deal.
The
Fukushima Connection
No story about the nuclear
industry would be complete without a mention of the spring 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster. This tale, too, would be incomplete
without pointing to the connections between U.S. geopolitical maneuvering, the
Iranian “nuclear” threat, the “benevolent” Kazakhstani nuclear industry, and
what is now a wasteland in Fukushima.
In the days after Japan’s nuclear
disaster, investigative journalist Greg Palast connected some of the dots
by revealing that, “One of the reactors dancing with death at Fukushima Station
1 was built by Toshiba. Toshiba was also an architect of the emergency diesel
system.”
Such back-up power generators
were part the “seismic qualification” (SQ) test requirements that all nuclear
power plants must pass. Yet, meeting SQ qualifications is expensive, so, as
Palast explained, “The most inexpensive way to meet
your SQ is to lie.” Stone and Webster, the nuclear unit of The Shaw Group, did
just that for Fukushima Daiichi.
Shaw, as mentioned, owns a
20-percent stake in Westinghouse, KazAtomProm owns a 7.7-percent stake in it,
while Toshiba owns a 69.3-percent stake.
Kazakhstan continues to
experience its own nuclear tragedy
in the area around Semipalatinsk, (Semey),
formerly the center of Soviet-era nuclear weapons tests. A still unknown, but
massive number of inhabitants of this northeastern Kazakh region continue to suffer and die from leukemia,
other cancers, and horrific birth defects caused by high levels of radiation.
“Already, the thyroid cancer rate
in the east and north of Kazakhstan is twice as high as in the rest of the
country, and other cancers such as breast, have higher rates,” explained The Ecologist in an August 2011 article.
This, then, raises the question: Who or what poses the
nuclear threat? Nuclear energy, nuclear armament, and uranium enrichment in of
themselves, or solely Iran’s “nuclear ambitions”?
History
Repeating Itself?: Iran’s Once Benevolent Nuclear Industry
Iran hasn’t always been
deemed a “nuclear threat” by U.S. policymakers.
Long before U.S. geopolitical
planning elites deemed Iran’s nuclear program a “threat,” its development was
encouraged, in the 1970s during the closing years of Shah Reza Pahlavi’s
dictatorship. None other than former U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney, former
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and former Deputy Secretary of Defense
Paul Wolfowitz, all three at the time holding held high-level national security
positions under President Gerald Ford, promoted the effort.
The scenario was best unpacked in
an article appearing in the The Washington Post in March 2005. Dafna
Linzer wrote of the deal:
“Ford's team
endorsed Iranian plans to build a massive nuclear energy industry, but also
worked hard to complete a multibillion-dollar deal that would have given Tehran
control of large quantities of plutonium and enriched uranium -- the two
pathways to a nuclear bomb. Either can be shaped into the core of a nuclear
warhead, and obtaining one or the other is generally considered the most
significant obstacle to would-be weapons builders.
Iran, a U.S.
ally then, had deep pockets and close ties to Washington. U.S. companies,
including Westinghouse and General Electric, scrambled to do business there.
(Snip)
“After balking
initially, President Gerald R. Ford signed a directive in 1976 offering Tehran
the chance to buy and operate a U.S.-built reprocessing facility for extracting
plutonium from nuclear reactor fuel.”
(Snip)
“The U.S.-Iran
deal was shelved when the shah was toppled in the 1979 revolution that led to
the taking of American hostages and severing of diplomatic relations.”
Linzer went on to explain that
U.S. companies, led by Westinghouse, stood to gain $6.4 billion from the sale
of six to eight nuclear reactors and parts.
It all connects. Westinghouse
today is co-owned by Toshiba, The Shaw Group, and Kazakhstan’s uranium giant, KazAtomProm.
Basically the same corporate interests eyeing Iran’s nuclear development under
the US-backed Shah’s currently have their hands in Kazakhstan’s nuclear industry
today.
Hypocrisy
and the Looming Attack on Iran
With rapidity, the build-up for
an attack on Iran progresses.
In response to a U.S. threat
to
sanction
Iran’s
oil
industry, in late-December 2011 the Iranian government threatened to shut down the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic
“choke point” for oil passing passing
from the Persian Gulf.
Soon after, U.S. Joint Chiefs of
Staff Chairman Gen. Martin Dempsey told CBS’ Face the Nation that, “[Iran] has invested in
capabilities that could, in fact, for a period of time block the Strait of
Hormuz. We’ve invested in capabilities to ensure that if that happens, we can
defeat that.”
Three weeks on, the U.S. Navy
announced the deployment of a floating "forward operating base" “mothership” south of Iran, aboard the USS
Ponce. “Navy documents indicate that it
could be headed to the Persian Gulf, where Iran has threatened to block the
Strait of Hormuz, a crucial shipping route for much of the world’s oil supply,”
explained The Washington Post. The ship will manned with active-duty Navy SEAL commandos.
In the midst of the Hormuz snafu,
investigative reporter Mark Perry published a groundbreaking exposé, revealing that agents from Israel’s
foreign intelligence service, Mossad, had been posing as U.S.
spies in Pakistan to recruit members of the terrorist organization Jundallah
to fight a covert war against Iran, presumably with the blessing of the U.S.
government. Jundallah is a State Department designated terrorist organization.
Perry also broke a story on March
28, uncovering the fact that Israel -- again, almost certainly with U.S.
blessing -- procured an air base in Azerbaijan, Iran’s northern neighbor
located to the southwest of Kazakhstan, across the Caspian sea. He referred to
this as “Israel’s Secret Staging Ground.”
This development is a logical
one, given that Azerbaijan has already been the home site of a secretive U.S.
Central Operations Command (CENTCOM)/Blackwater Worldwide (now known as Academi
and, previously, as Xe Services) forward operating base as part of the broader Caspian Guard Initiative for years. Jeremy Scahill explained
the Initiative in his book “Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful
Mercenary Army.” He wrote,
"Beginning
in July 2004, Blackwater forces were contracted to work in the heart of the
oil- and gas-rich Caspian Sea region, where they would quietly train a force
modeled after the Navy SEALs and establish a base just north of the Iranian
border," Scahill wrote.
"Blackwater
would be tasked with establishing and training an elite ... force modeled after
the U.S. Navy SEALs that would ultimately protect the interests of the United
States and its allies in a hostile region ... [serving] a dual purpose:
protecting the West's new profitable oil and gas exploitation in a region
historically dominated by Russia and Iran, and possibly laying the groundwork
for an important forward operating base in an attack against Iran," he
continued.
More recently, The New
Yorker magazine’s Seymour
Hersh, writing on “Our Men in Iran?,” revealed that the U.S. Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) has been training another U.S. designated terrorist organization, the Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK), since 2005. The training has occurred at
the Department of Energy’s Nevada-based National Nuclear Security Administration
headquarters.
Hersh and others have suggested
that the MEK and others, including Mossad have been responsible for the spate
of
assassinations
of
Iranian
nuclear
scientists over the past several years.
They also portend a dark future, if these series of events proceed in their
logical and rather predictable order.
The alleged Iranian “nuclear
threat” has become a pretext for regime change in Tehran, a desired goal of
U.S. strategic planners and allies in Tel Aviv ever since the overthrow of the
U.S.-backed Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in 1979.
The real concern since then for
the U.S. has been control over the flow of increasingly valuable strategic
sources of energy -- oil, gas, and uranium -- that propel corporate state
interests in the region. Kazakhstan’s Nazarbayev will remain a strategic ally
regardless of the brutality of his regime, as long as he keeps in line.
As Franklin Delano Roosevelt once said in regard to
Nicaragua’s U.S.-backed dictator Anastasio Somoza García,
"Somoza may be a son of a bitch, but he's our son of a bitch."
The same, it appears, could be
said about Kazakhstan’s Nazarbayev as the U.S. moves toward desired regime
change in Iran.
--------------------------------------------------
*Allen Ruff received his Ph.D. in U.S. History
from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He's written on the history of
the American Left, local history and has published one novel. Schooled
by decades of activist experience, his primary work now centers on
opposition to U.S. interventions in the Middle East and elsewhere. He hosts a weekly a public affairs program on WORT, 89.9fm in Madison, WI, where he currently lives.
*Steve Horn is a
researcher and writer at DeSmogBlog. He is also a freelance investigative
journalist. Follow him on Twitter at @Steve_Horn1022.
